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Secure attachment describes individuals who are able to both give and receive care, and are relatively secure that care will be provided when it is needed. From: Encyclopedia of Psychotherapy, Melissa L. Engel, Megan R. Gunnar, in International Review of Neurobiology Secure attachment relationships continue to play a critical role in buffering children from adversity throughout childhood.
What is secure attachment and how do you develop one with your child?
For example, children growing up in a war zone whose mothers were observed to provide sensitive containment of the child's fear were less likely to develop PTSD and exhibit dysregulation of the HPA and sympathetic system as described in Feldman Evidence also suggests that caregivers continue to effectively buffer stress throughout middle childhood.
Girls returned to baseline cortisol fastest when mom was physically present, followed by talking to her on the phone and then the alone condition. Moreover, urinary oxytocin levels were higher in both maternal conditions than when alone. Oxytocin is a peptide thought to play a pivotal role in the social regulation of the stress system by both decreasing HPA activity and supporting the parasympathetic nervous system Feldman, Recent work on the neurobiological basis of attachment, coupled with experiments with children adopted from orphanages, suggests there may be a sensitive period for the development of oxytocin-dopamine connections which exert enduring effects on the neurobiology of social relationships, including their ability to physiologically buffer stress see for review, Feldman, Peer relations become increasingly important to children during the early and middle childhood years.
Young children tend Characteristics of secure attachment show an increase, rather than the normal decrease, in cortisol across full child care day; however, it has recently been shown that a randomized social skills training intervention resulted in a return to the normal diurnal decrease among preschoolers Larose et al.
This suggests that part of what drives the HPA axis in full-day child care is the stress of trying to maintain relations with other children when none of the children possess the social skills to do so predictably and controllably. Children who are deficient in social skills are often the targets of bullying, and there is good evidence that child characteristics, including genotype, play a role in whether is chronically bullied Bowes et al.
Thus, genetically informed des may be needed to sort out the effect of bullying on child functioning, including functioning of the HPA axis. In a study of bullying using a monozygotic twin de, the more victimized twin showed a diurnal cortisol pattern reminiscent of PTSD Brendgen et al.
If other children can be a source of stress, can they be a source of stress buffering and, if so, under what circumstances? There is remarkably little research on these questions. Children reported on positive and negative experiences with peers over several school days and also collected saliva for cortisol analyses.
Cortisol levels were lower 20 min after a negative encounter if the children reported that their best friend was with them at the time. John G. Infants with secure attachments to their caregivers are able to use their caregivers, when present, as a base from which to explore their environments.
For example, secure infants show interest in the attractive, age-appropriate toys provided in the Strange Situation room. When the caregiver is not present, securely attached infants show distress, and the stranger is not able to substitute for the caregiver in soothing the infants.
During reunion episodes, securely attached infants actively seek contact with the caregiver and are genuinely comforted by that contact. Scher, J. While there is some evidence that secure attachment serves as a protective factor against psychopathology, the link between insecure attachment and anxiety disorders proved difficult to establish.
Normal anxiety reactions might become chronic or exaggerated by specific life events or circumstances. Children experiencing prolonged separations, death of a parent, traumatic events like war, as well as children living with anxious, overprotective, or neglectful parents are more vulnerable to SAD. In young children, even experiences such as vacations or illness might cause difficulties with separation.
Which of these four attachment styles is yours?
Bowlby stressed that separation anxiety might be heightened in children who are chronically exposed to actual separations or threats of separation, making them more vulnerable to normally occurring separation events. Clearly, not all children experiencing the above conditions and circumstances develop SAD.
So far, risk factors rather than causes of the disorder have been identified. Finally, with respect to intervention and prognosis, clinicians maintain that children who are effectively and timely treated for SAD develop into mentally healthy individuals. When untreated, children with SAD may be at risk for depression and other anxiety disorders. In young children, sleeping and eating problems can be related to SAD; if not treated properly, more complicated problems in these areas might develop.
Given the multiple contributing factors, difficulty in diagnosis, and different intervention approaches, there is a need for more research in the field, including longitudinal investigations of the antecedents and consequences of SAD, as well as intervention studies.
Barbara M. Newman, Philip R. Newman, in Theories of Adolescent Development One can sense that securely attached babies have a working model of attachment in which they expect their caregiver to be accessible and responsive. Mothers of infants who have secure attachments are able to talk openly and coherently about their own childhood attachment figures and attachment behaviors van Ijzendoorn, A cornerstone in the formation of a secure attachment is caregiver sensitivity.
An insensitive parent might recognize that the infant is distressed but be too busy or preoccupied Characteristics of secure attachment respond and provide effective comfort. This makes sense since the attachment system is theorized to be especially adapted to protecting infants from the threat. Kristin L. Children victimized by adult caretakers have difficulty developing secure attachment patterns to ificant others and may exhibit a variety of other emotional problems, including low self-esteem and depression.
Although cross-cultural analyses of abuse outcomes are rare, available studies suggest that child neglect and emotional maltreatment lead to decreased self-esteem and attachment patterns among various cultures.
Traits of secure attachment
Higher rates of suicide and self-mutilation have been linked to child abuse among older children. Exploratory work on the effects of Munchausen by proxy victimization suggests similar psychological effects such as post-traumatic stress symptoms, reality-testing issues, and insecurity.
Although research on the consequences of emotional maltreatment is limited, some studies suggest that abusive acts deed to terrorize children may have severe long-term psychological consequences. Child witnesses of domestic violence have negative psychological outcomes that are similar to those that correspond to other forms of abuse, including anxiety and depression. Exposure to political violence lowers self-esteem and increases neuroses among children, although these effects may be temporary.
What is secure attachment and bonding?
Post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms also characterize some child victims of sociopolitical violence. Sexualized behaviors such as frequent masturbation, inappropriate sexual overtures toward others, and play including sexual content characterize children victimized by sexual assault. Additional consequences of sexual abuse include post-traumatic stress disorder, dissociation, nightmares, neurosis, running away, and a lack of empathy.
Studies employing retrospective reports of childhood experiences suggest that sexual abuse may be linked to eating disorders among adolescent and adult females and to anxiety, depression, attachment disorders, low self-esteem, and sexual dysfunction among young adult women and men. Mangelsdorf, M. Past research has explored the direct and moderating effects of these factors. For example, Crockenberg reported in her study that irritable temperament during the newborn period was predictive of insecure attachment only in conjunction with low maternal social support; that is, neither infant temperament nor maternal support exerted a main effect on attachment.
Instead, the interaction between these two variables predicted insecure attachment. Similarly, Sarah C. As in the Crockenberg study, temperament or maternal personality had no ificant main effects, but the interaction between the two variables predicted insecure attachment. One can easily imagine how the combination of a fearful and rigid mother i. In other words, highly intense and active infants who received little physical contact from their mothers appeared to be at-risk for developing avoidant relationships.
Thus, the findings from these studies have provided empirical support for a goodness-of-fit or transactional model proposed by researchers such as Crockenberg, Arnold Sameroff, and Barbara Fiese. It appears that some infant characteristics, such as irritability or proneness-to-distress seem more likely to contribute to insecure attachment than others.
The different types of attachment styles
Similarly, specific parental characteristics may be particularly important to attachment relationships, and certain forms of social support, particularly marital support, may be especially important for predicting sensitive parenting. In fact, an extensive body of literature documents the association between the quality of the marital relationship and multiple aspects of parenting behavior, including sensitivity, negativity, and intrusiveness. Based on research, Yair Ziv and Jude Cassidy have hypothesized that parents are more susceptible to poor parenting when they rear more-irritable infants than less-irritable infants.
It is speculated that irritable infants may have more trouble with emotional and behavioral regulation, and thus are more dependent on adults for assistance in self-regulation. Matthew J. Not surprisingly, many of the theoretical and empirical inquiries have focused on characteristics of the person to whom the child is securely attached.
Moreover, given claims that a secure attachment has relatively far-reaching effects, especially with regard to how children process social information e. In this chapter, our principal aim is to describe how attachment theorists and researchers—in their quest to understand children's attachment security and social information processing—have turned their attention to the attachment and social information processing of the parents themselves.
Thus, parents characterized by attachment security will raise children who process social information in a relatively open and positively biased way; similarly, parents who process attachment-related information openly and positively will raise securely attached children. Unfortunately, however, not all children will develop a secure attachment to their parents and these children and their parents are expected to be characterized by intergenerational links between insecure attachment and restricted, negatively biased information processing.
Understanding the transmission of patterns of attachment and social information processing between parents and their children has become a salient issue in the study of attachment and relates to broader issues in developmental psychology of how parents might actively contribute to their children's development e. We describe Bowlby's ideas about how children mentally process their attachment relationships and how such ideas were critical to the formulation of attachment theory. Overall, this discussion sets the conceptual stage for understanding how attachment Characteristics of secure attachment social information processing are linked across generations.
Next, we provide a current theoretical of the mechanisms through which various cross-generational links might emerge between attachment and social information processing. Although the links on which we focus should be considered aspects of larger transactional and ecological models of development wherein many individual parent-related factors contribute to children's outcomes, and wherein children are viewed as actively contributing to their own social and emotional development; see Sameroff,in this chapter we focus on parent contributions and do not attempt to discern children's contributions to their own information processing and attachment and that of their parents.
After discussing potential mediators, we present a comprehensive review of the literature on contemporaneous and longitudinal links between parent attachment and child social information processing and between parent information processing and child attachment.